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Introduction |
I have continued to think over the
foundations of my political philosophy. In my latest formulation,
there are 3 principal dimensions of politics: time, space and value.
These are the means by which we locate different political theories
and societies. As in Einstein's Relativity, they are a metric which
every political theory must have, but in themselves do not determine
the particular content of politics.
While these dimensions allows us to
position different political philosophies relative to each other,
they do not ascribe truth to any of them. What one takes as a
premise is a matter of judgement ...
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Valuation is required to put political principles into
practice. It is the act of valuing which connects politics to ethics;
i.e., politics necessarily involves the application of ethical principles.
Ethical principles are always involved when voluntary choices are made, so
political decisions are also moral decisions. On my view, political
judgements are seldom or never amoral because they represent extant or
intended guidelines of behavior.
Valuation is never derivable from or embedded in time or space, because of
Hume's distinction: an 'ought' is logically different from an 'is.' For
this reason, we must use value as an independent dimension of political
classification.
In political philosophy, time and space are independent dimensions (not
conjoined as in Einstein's Relativity). In human affairs, time seems to be
simply linear: before, now and after. Time also characterizes political
stances (attitudes). There are reactionaries, conservatives, centrists,
liberals and utopians in order of their time orientation. Reactionaries
look backward, whereas utopians look forward. Centrists are firmly rooted
in now, refusing to look back or ahead. Conservatives and liberals look
backward or forward, but not as much or consistently as their reactionary
or utopian peers. Very often, the more moderate folks are seen as "fellow
travellers" by the more radical. This shows that the Moderate-Radical
distinction is really based on time, reflecting a distance from a point of
origin, such as now.
Space is also a determinant of political philosophy, as political
decisions allocate it. Property, for example, whether personal or social,
is a division of space. Nationalism is another such division, because it
assigns a region to each group. Space includes the objects of ergecology,
as it is utlimately about physical things, about making a living. The
political spectrum in the space dimension as marked by the individual and
communal poles. There are also other poles, such as nature and the
inaccessible, both of which are outside the range of political decision
and control.
Because time is a dimension of political philosophy, history must be
included in it. History combines the dimensions of time and space when it
assigns both a time and place to events. History is minimally involved
when it merely orders events, as in 'this scenario precedes (follows) that
scenario.' We need not make any assumption about the
direction of time in histories
associated with political philosophies, although particular political
systems usually define the direction, content and meaning of history.
Traditional economics operates on the same dimensions of time, space and
value. But it is always a subset of politics because it depends on
particular choices to operate. My term, Ergecology, is a generalization
(superset) of economics because it explicitly acknowledges the
manipulation of space (ecology) in operations (erg-) aimed to satisfy
human desires (values). Aiming to satsify is a culturally dependent
political decision, so politics always precedes economy (thus
political-economy).
In order to present a complete, coherent political philosophy, one must
have a philosophy of history and a philosophy of ergecology. In addition,
there must be a philosophy of value (ethics), because decision making
(valuation) is usually considered the central feature of politics.
Cultural factors are involved in political decisions, as explained by the
historical context. Even if culture itself is the immediate explanation of
politics, that cannot be the final theory of politics. I make this remark
because most recent reflections on politics closely connect it with
culture. For example, there are the liberal and conservative cultures in
the United States, and the religious cultures of the Middle East, which
seem to determine political philosophy. But that seeming is only a
description of the philosophy in play; i.e., the philosophical concepts
underlying the various cultures are more universal than their particular
applications.
I think the foregoing dimensions of political philosophy are a better
starting point than other attempts at classification. Ordering different
political views is important in considering the relations among them. In
biology, the Linnaean system does not in itself imply evolutionary,
genetic relations. The species chart produced from Linnaeus' system is
suggestive and productive in discovering many other relations, including
an improved Linnaean system.
