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Introduction |
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I am struggling with conflicting ideals of political
philosophy.
I am committed to One World, the view that sooner or later everyone will participate in one, universal, democratic government of Earth. I am also committed to relativism in its many forms, including social and political relativism (denounced by conservatives as "cultural relativism"). Because of what's happening in Iraq and the United States, which mirror each other, I have given a lot of thought to reconciling these seemingly opposed philosophical views.
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I began thinking about this problem because we have
unexpected conditions in the United States and Iraq. The Conquest of Iraq
unleashed a guerilla war which is evolving into a civil war. The main
groups in Iraq, Kurds, Shi'ites and Sunnis, don't trust each other very
much. Despite the U.S. enforced attempt to put together a unitary State,
many Sunnis are violently opposed to domination by the others. The Kurds
have had autonomy and their own militia for a long time. They appear
unwilling to give up much for a centralized government. Southern Shi'ites
are not willing to accede to Sunni rule, but might make some sort of
combination with the Shi'ite Kurds in the North.
In the United States, we are now ruled by the
Confederate South. The American Confederacy was formed in a contiguous
region with a culture distinctly different from that of the Northern
States. That culture continues, some 140 years after the Confederate
defeat in the Civil War. Southerners are inculcated with a desire for
revenge from an early age. Under the Stars and Bars, Southerners persisted
in their Cause and are now victorious. The main reason for their recent
dominance is the cultural sympathies of rural residents in the Midwestern
and Mountain States. Without the acquiescence or assistance of those rural
States, neither the South nor the North can rule because of the electoral
system imbedded in the Constitution. (Once upon a time, I foolishly
thought the American West could mediate the differences.)
What has happened in the United States in the last few
decades should be a warning to those who believe that Arab democracy is
just around the corner, or that the Irish Republican rebellion against
Ulster is over. Deeply rooted cultural beliefs, no matter how backward and
self-defeating, are nearly impossible to eliminate in their natural
settings. Medievalism, for example, seems to be sprouting new branches and
leaves from remains thought dead all over the Caucasian world, from
Pakistan to America. Fundamentalism is mainly an Aryan disease, a disease
of White people, in whatever form it appears - Islamic Jihadists,
Evangelical Christians, Pan-Slavics, and (Scotch, Irish) Celtism. One
underlayer of fundamentalism is tribalism, which is the rejection of
others based on a paranoid perception of the outside ('not us') world.
Tribalism logically leads to ethnic, racial, social, economic and
religious discrimination, all of which are forms of differentiation of
'self' from 'other.'
Another underlayer of fundamentalism is an unusually aggressive attitude, probably related to paranoia, which seems to be a hallmark of Caucasian races. (Anthropological note: Most occupants of the Western Hemisphere, Eurasia west of the Himalayas and Caucasus, and the Indian sub-continent are Caucasians.) Thousands of years ago, there was an expansion of the Aryan races from places in or near the Indian sub-continent to the Middle East and Europe. The Aryans were an incredibly fierce, warlike people, whose closet living relatives today occupy sub-Himalayan areas such as Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Kashmir. They are represented today in the Taliban and Al Qa'eda. I explain the Taliban and Islamic suicide bombers as the result of the "Founder Effect;" i.e., the dominance of original settlers over all those who follow. Relatively few Aryans (by today's standards) were the parents of millions of descendants who were taught the warlike culture from the day they were born. Knowing nothing different, since tribalism is also a confining provincialism, the culture of paranoia and violence has perpetuated itself to this day. I don't know whether this attitude is genetic or cultural, but prefer the cultural explanation.
This is not to say that Asians, Africans and Aborigines
have not been unaffected by paranoid tribalism from time to time. In
recent history, we've seen non-Caucasian societies suffer from
fundamentalist mania; e.g., the Japanese in the 1930-1945 period. What is
different about Caucasians is the persistence over thousands of years of
such a culture. While I think that fundamentalist culture is far from a
Good Thing, arguments can be made for it. In a world dominated by the Law
of the Jungle - survival of the "fittest," or the "invisible hand" -
Caucasians have done very well in dominating others worldwide. Asians and
Africans have only begun to get out from under in recent decades, after
centuries of exploitation. It was the success of the Europeans, in
particular, that was an example to early 20th century Japanese
in their creation of the Greater Asian (= Japanese) "Co-Prosperity
Sphere." Lately, the Chinese - longtime competitors with the Japanese -
are infected with the disease, so are trying to dominate Asia and the
Pacific Rim. (Except for pockets of Japanese and American resistance, the
Chinese are largely getting their way.) The fact that tribalism and all
its unfortunate consequences sometimes overcomes non-Caucasian peoples for
a while supports my view that it is a cultural phenomenon.
People stick to their roots, unless pulled up from them.
Historically, crazy notions like Democracy in America only happen to
people separated from their former and usual circumstances. As long as one
lived comfortably behind or over a New York City shop after 1775, there
was no reason to kowtow to the American revolutionaries. It was
comfortable to obey the British colonial administration, which was backed
by occupying armies. That seemed a secure path which did not require any
great change, sacrifice or thought. Until Cornwallis surrendered at
Yorktown, the plurality of Americans actually supported the Crown, not
George Washington or the rebel Continental Congress. The revolutionaries
were "not worth a continental." So, it is not easy for most people to
change their minds or their allegiances. Perhaps this is why there is
always a Thermidor, a counter-revolution.
Nonetheless, in the last 200 years we have come to a
different perception of people's rights, based on some major changes of
thought about what's right and wrong. Slavery is almost universally
condemned today, whereas only the most critical and intolerant
revolutionaries ("moralists") opposed it during the American revolution.
Americans were actually quite backward at that time, since slavery was
already illegal on the Continent, even if the Europeans were the primary
traders in human flesh. For Europeans, what happened at home was one
thing, and what happened elsewhere another. (That doctrine eventually
caused a lot of trouble for the First World in the form of anti-colonial
rebellions.) Slowly but surely the slave trade was stopped, and people
came to see it as a despicable thing. That did not begin to cure their
racism - their tribalism - until much later. Even today, tribalism is only
just under the covers in "advanced" societies, revealing itself as soon as
the thin top sheet is ripped away (as in Bosnia, Kossovo and Rwanda).
In a previous essay, I argued that a root ethical
consideration is Equality (yes, with the capital E). It is our notions of
equality which eventually led to freeing the slaves, and, at last,
understanding that 'separate but equal' is a mockery of equal. Equality is
an over-arching principle, an Ethical Principle, which can be applied to
every situation involving human relations. This gives us a clue how to
resolve the problems of local control and world government.
By itself, the Equality Principle does not say
how to treat people. We could beat
and torture everyone equally, or we could put them on Soma equally, or
send them to Heaven equally (now or later). Equality by itself is simply a
principle of fairness, but justice requires a determination of equity as
well. The revolutions of the 1960s started by demanding Equality - Civil
Rights - and soon proceeded to matters of equity. In fact, equality
doesn't exist or even matter much, unless some flesh is put on the bones.
That flesh is the equity people have in their social circumstances. Equity
gves a direction to Equality; it says what sort of equality we will have.
Equity determined by the Kantian imperative requires the
best possible treatment, not the worst. The anecdote I told elsewhere in
these pages about Unisex Bathrooms shows that the actual solution -
everyone gets the minimum - is not one that can be approved and supported
under "Equality Plus Equity." Nonetheless, the minimum is what we get most
of the time, because government and business are only interested in the
most they can be compelled to do.
That minimalism undermines our society, as I see it, because it denies
equity while paying lip service to equality. Even so, the reason for
advocating Federal intervention rather than action in local jurisdictions
is the sense that the problems are universal, thus requiring universal
solutions. Moreover, the Equality Princple demands substantially the same
treatment of all affected individuals, which is unlikely when settlements
are reached separately in thousands of communities.
When minimalist equality is applied, it ends up
undermining the self-determination (self-fulfillment) that equity
recommends. In addition, if the government is determined to treat most
people badly, even if "equally," the situation can deteriorate rapidly for
most people. Unfortunately, that is exactly what has happened since the
selection of the Bandit Presidency. The United States government is only
committed to improving conditions for a small segment of the public: the
rich and wealthy. Conservatives re-interpreted "self-determination" to
mean "opportunity to compete." In other words, everyone is free to run the
race; you are on your own. The
government is not going to help anyone win the race, restrain anyone who
has a head start, or do much about those who cheat or fix the result. The
conservative view of equality is simply that anyone who wants to win can
try their luck (even if it is a scam or hopeless). The conservative view
of equity is that things turn out however they do. If the slot machine
doesn't pay off, tough luck!
| Here I must digress. As a young man, I felt strongly that local control was a Good Thing. Local control fits with my general belief that people have a right to "be themselves." I reject authoritarian institutions, such as dictatorial governments, the military and corporate hierarchies. I believe individuals are entitled to live in an environment that allows self-expression and self-fulfillment so far as possible. The "so far as possible" phrase is what civilization is all about, because very little of what I propose can happen in the jungle. As I got older, I responded to a large number of
local abuses which could only be corrected by applying State power. I
became an advocate of Federal regulation, since historically the
States had been 90 lb weaklings. States were susceptible to the
blandishments of powerful corporations and socio-economic groups
seeking to manipulate them. It seemed to me the
justice of Roe v Wade and the
Civil Rights Act, the necessity
of Clean Water and Clean Air, and the
equity of affirmative action, Social Security and Medicare
could only be fulfilled by Federal action. All of those considerations
arise from a single Ethical Principle, the Kantian injunction always
to treat moral agents (beings like humans) as an end, and never solely
as a means. Kant's imperative requires us to treat each and every
individual respectfully, with due regard to that person's purposes.
What is accomplished by asserting the justice of privacy rights is the
promotion of individual self-regulation. All the other activities
support individuals living a full and fulfilling life according to
their lights; i.e., self-determination. |
The Left has a long history of being imbued with the virtues of collective
action. That's because to be on the Left is to support the masses, the
majority of the people counted from the bottom up. (Conservatives support
a majority, too; counted in reverse order.) The Left has always been
committed to Equality and Fraternity which, taken together, are communal
as opposed to individual values. "Liberty," which prefaces the famous
slogan of the French Revolution, addresses the individual, but has often
been submerged in the collective. Under the gaze of Equality, all humans
look remarkably alike. That tends to diminish Liberty because liberty
implies differences. We are not truly free unless we can do something
others do not do. If we always 'act as one man,' we are robots having no
particular need of liberty. The logic of equality and fraternity makes it
easy to slide into Stalinism and Nazism, in which everyone is reduced into
the "lumpen-poletariat" by forgetting about Liberty. (This analysis shows
that it is not a far move for the working classes to become Brown Shirts
or Reagan Democrats. Thus, there is Unionism of the Left and the Right.)
Again, it is Liberty which distinguishes the individual.
I believe Liberty is what motivated millions of immigrants to come to the
United States. It is the desire to be whatever one wants to be that
separates each person from the famous "teeming masses" beckoned by the
Statue of Liberty. At once, we are the teeming masses, and we are the
differentiated individuals. Being oneself is the ultimate local control.
So, the crux of our problem is the apparent conflict of Liberty with
Equality and Fraternity.
I think equality is justified by observation. Scientific
observation of ourselves from many perspectives reveals how similar are
all the individual instances of homo
sapiens. If that were not true, it would be nearly impossible to
train a doctor. The education of the young depends upon our gross
similarities. The fact that almost any newborn child can be adopted into
any culture, regardless of parenthood, shows that most of our differences
are learned. I have commented upon this many times, asking you readers to
consider that an ET (extra-terrestrial alien) would find it very difficult
to discern the differences we so exaggerate.
Fraternity is a natural extension of Equality, because our species is (genetically) programmed to "hang out" together. We like things similar to ourselves, because we are familiar with ourselves. As Aristotle said, 'man is a social animal.' We don't have much trouble in identifying others like ourselves, probably as a result of yet-unidentfied chemicals. Just like insects and many other animals (and plants, too), we give off nanoscopic quantities of identifying chemicals (pheromones). Those chemicals are probably the basis of "love," "choosing" a mate and the affinity ("bonding") of mothers and children. While most people would be insulted by my description, it is most probable that our natural fraternity is built-in, not "voluntary." We are bonded to whoever we mate, not by "falling in love" or choice, but by chemical affinity. One support for this argument is the apparent connection between nursing and bonding: mother's milk seems to improve love of the mother. (However, a huge problem in researching all these biological connections is the refusal of most people to allow objective observations of the themselves, and the irrational resistance people have to scientific conclusions. So, youngsters are still frequently told that babies are delivered by storks.)
There are naturalistic arguments supporting the notions
of Equality and Fraternity for our species. Liberty, however, is not
similarly supported or derivable. Our concept of individual freedom -
liberty - has to come from another place entirely. The natural basis of
Liberty is the observation of unprogrammed, unprompted "voluntary"
activity. People do unexpected things, unlike almost all plants and other
animals.We attribute this unpredictable activity to "choice." Choice has
always been something of a mystery, being very hard to define or pin down.
That mystery has led to many religious theories about souls and
philosophical dualism (as in Descartes). The dualistic resolution was to
attribute Free Will to a non-material agency, because the advocates of
dualism could not understand how a material body could have Free Will. In
turn, that notion of "material" was rooted in a strict determinism that
invoked "cause and effect" to connect events (time and space) in the
material world.
But we post-moderns need not be concerned with all that,
since the science of last century has sufficiently shown that randomness
is built into our Universe (Quantum Mechanics). Cause and effect is a
handy illusion for macro beings our size, but wouldn't work at all for
creatures much smaller than a virus. In fact, very soon our ever-smaller
transistors and electronic chips will have to cope with or use quantum
effects to do their work. Taming those quantum forces in chips, lasers and
many other machines shows that the random becomes "ordered" when collected
together in large numbers. Order is the illusion of the mean or a pattern
in a statistical distribution. As very good pattern detectors and
inventors, we humans tend to see them everywhere. Importantly, the
machines we call "computers" demonstrate that events need not be ruled by
cause and effect. Computer programs are sequences of symbols which can be
generated or derived by any logic and set of premises you like. If the end
result of a computer program is to flip a switch up or down, that result
can be "caused" by any programmed sequence. In principle, a computer
controlling appropriate physical attachments becomes the "cause" of events
which need not have any Newtonian "cause and effect" relationship to prior
events. In the same way, when humans build a dam, they control when and if
the river below will flood. The "natural" cycle of flooding is broken by
dams, and removed to "decision making" controlled by humans. (I say
"controlled by" because humans may delegate the decision to a computer
they program.) This line of examples should make human decision making "unstrange."
It makes us comfortable with the notion of voluntary acts in the natural
world, so we do not need dualistic explanations (per Occam's razor).
If we accept as a natural fact and phenomenon that
intelligent beings can make choices - where "intelligent" may include a
wider range of critters than homo sapiens
- we can find a basis for Liberty in that ability. In this case, being at
liberty does not merely mean being undetermined; i.e., lacking in "cause
and effect." It does not mean being random or quantized, either. Our use
of "choice" implies the desire to carry out what is chosen, so there is an
assumed cause and effect relationship between perceived and desired
conditions. Making choices does not require a supercomputer or a detached
soul; programs on ordinary computers are able to make choices.
The making of choices is something that
can be programmed. To an outside observer, the choice may appear
"programmed;" i.e., determined. It is a common phenomenom to "know" what
someone will do who we know well. My "significant other" often says she
knows what I am thinking. This is rarely considered surprising; on the
contrary, we assume this will happen after a long period of association
and learning. Nonetheless, the chooser may not know "in advance" what
choice will be made. To me, the choices I make are always "voluntary" and
not predicted, even if my mate thinks otherwise. So, the sense of choice
being voluntary is subjective, and not necessarily an objective fact in
the world. If what little everyday events reveal is correct (and I think
it is), there should be no great mystery about "free will," about making
choices. We think of ourselves as making "independent" or "voluntary"
choices because we are not aware of the myriad processes that preceded the
decision. The choice appears before oneself fully formed, as if from
nowhere. But close outside observers know otherwise, and often can see the
choice "bubbling up." It's all a matter of perspective; it's relative.
Example: someone unfamiliar with computers and factory robots might assume that the things those machines do is "voluntary." Computers can run lengthy programs that do calculations, store and publish results and performs operations on the external world without immediate human intervention. Manufacturing robots do complicated tasks with a precision that may seem directed by an "inner" intelligence. They use sensors to align their tools with the operations they perform. But, we know those things are just programmed machines.
I believe this explanation of choice removes the
conflict between Liberty and the other naturalistic principles. Liberty is
a behavior found in individuals, whereas Equality and Fraternity are
generalizations about species behavior based on the observation of many
individuals. The idea that individuals are free is not the result of some
grant or contract or deus ex machina;
rather, it is the same thing as the behavior of "intelligent" beings. That
we are programmed in a complex way - so, "determined" by a lengthy
evolution - doesn't change the fact of our freedom one wit. Because we
have that freedom, we are capable of self-determination.
In our current political environment, it is customary
for conservatives to emphasize individual liberty. They say individuals
need to be free to exercise their choices. By extension, aggregates of
individuals such as corporations should also be free to implement their
designs. Conservatives hear liberals as voices of the undifferentiated
masses who have desires, but not designs. The dominant conservatives
present themselves as beautiful, intelligent people, whereas the masses
are untutored and unwashed.
The reality is otherwise. Conservatives defend an Established Order which rakes off most of the available goodies for themselves. This leaves the majority of people relatively deprived in every way. Differences between the classes are arranged to be that way, thus justifying the Established Order by a circular argument. Conservatives are not interested in Liberty, as discussed above, but only in the privilege of a few to exploit the many. Thus, most conservatives emphasize invidualism and opportunity, while ignoring, deriding or rejecting equality and fraternity. In fact, embracing conservative individualism requires one to reject fraternity, because the core of individualism is simply that 'I am different from you,' or even 'I am better than you.' Those conservatives who hold the latter proposition probably also reject equality, and, by implication, defend major differences of privileges and duties assigned the castes and classes. Even if a conservative affirms Equality, as proposed here, it creates a further problem: justifying inequality. (Anyone who agrees to Equality is faced with justifying, explaining, or explaining away, inequality. Inequality is an unavoidable subject unless one denies Equality.)
The easiest way to justify inequality is by appeal to
Authority. The authority could be the King or the gods, or even
Parliament, but appeals to authority impose the further burden of
justifying the authority's privileges oir rights. Sometimes, the 'natural
right' of parents over children is argued as the basis of authority, which
is another form of Plato's old argument: 'what is older is better.' That
assertion is not self proving or self-evident, so it requires further
arguments to prove it.
Some conservatives argue for "meritocracy," since, in
fact, people are born with different skill sets and certainly acquire
differences from others in their lives. Social Darwinism is a philosophy
based on that sort of argument. I cannot deny that "people are different;"
that much is obvious. However, it does not follow that anyone is more or
less "fit" than anyone else. Fitness, especially Darwinian fitness, is not
determinable in advance; at best, it is something we can observe at the
time. In most cases, we assign fitness retrospectively. When subjects are
given a test, we can observe how well they do based on the preassigned
values of the questions; i.e., the test is scored based on preconceptions.
The given answers are not absolute; even the simplest math test could be
re-interpreted to suit given circumstances. Whether "2+2=4" is a true
statement depends entirely on the test givers' intended context, and the
test takers' understanding. Conventionally, we all know this is a true
statement when the symbols refer to ordinary arithmetic. But, if the
statement is given in the context of allegory, of common sayings, the
statement's meaning is not mathematical, so could be assigned any value
whatever. In biology, for example, 2 males and 2 females does not add up
to 4 individuals over time in most cases. Any criterion which assigns
individuals to different castes and classes is a test or sufficiently like
a test. Such an assignment has three components: the invention of a test,
the invention of the answers and justification of the entire procedure.
Social Darwinians purport to justify their criteria by observation of
nature. That is, they allege the test is implicit in nature, as anyone can
see the purported behavior. The difficulty with that proposition is
simple: why is the observation anything but the seeing of "happenings?"
So, the desired differentiation of individuals requires some pre-existing
schema; it is not something obvious in nature.
If the scheme does arise from nature, it can only be
determined retrospectively. In that case, Godel's idea applies: any finite
sequence can be imbedded in an at least denumerably infinite sequence.
Generalized, it means that any finite data set can be explained by an
infinite number of theories. (Usually we apply Occam's razor among the
known theories in choosing what we'll use, discarding the rest as
formally, logically equivalent, but useless, complexities.) In other
words, the scheme is a pattern we prefer to see, but there may also be a
very large number of equally valid patterns. So, as in all
science, we have no idea which is
"ultimately" the correct one. If conservatives want to assign the social
classes according to what they observe in nature, they must also be
prepared for change. While retrospective observation is a handy method of
justifying the existing order - which is something conservatives like to
do - it does not provide any reason for that order. The justification then
boils down to "it's just that way." The successful can celebrate
themselves on that basis, but it does not defend them against later
overthrow. (Aging movie Stars are discarded.) If conservatives want to
push the observed order farther, make it a basis for a more permanent
order, it still requires a further argument. Nature does not provide a
justification for caste and class.
So, I think any justification which denies Equality, so
as to convey liberty to some, is without natural foundation. Conservatives
are reduced to temporary advantage and 'might makes right' in enforcing
their preferred social order. Their preferences are, therefore, a
privilege they assign themselves.
I think the Left can do well by thinking through its old
slogan, 'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.' It seems to me all of those
political goals are justified by the workings of the natural world. It is
especially important to support the notion of Liberty, because it allows
the Left to escape from deadening collectivism. Without Liberty, the Left
is prey for the Fascists now in charge, and authoritarians of all sorts.
The political Left has always held an "ennobling"
concept of people, as in Rousseau's "noble savage." That nobility is
alleged on account of our intellect, and our fair treatment of everyone
and everything. The difficulty with the notion of nobility is that it sets
apart, it merely repeats the distinctions conservatives make. So, the Left
should forget about 'ennobling' anything, and stick to the humdrum facts.
To reason from our natural equality to an ethical doctrine of Equality,
hence fairness, is enough for our purpose. The natural differentiation of
individuals gives us a basis for assigning duties within society, and also
for allocating specialized resources and benefits. (This is summarized in
the Marxian slogan: 'from each according to his ability, to each according
to his need.' In that, I replace "from" and "to" with "from and to" in
each case.) The special nature of each individual is in the heart of the
Left.
Therefore, I believe a basic position of the Left must
be self-determination, which supports local control. This assigns
authority to the individual and small groups, as opposed to superior,
authoritarian States. In America, this preference for local control, for
individual and social freedom, has been confused with the doctrine of
States' Rights. But those things are quite different, as States' Rights
always were and are a conservative policy intended to prevent and defeat
change originating in an outside world. States' Rights are a disguised
form of provincialism. States' Rights are often used to justify policies
and practices (such as slavery or apartheid) the defenders know full well
are indefensible. It is a defense that shouts, "Make me do it."
Here is where the Left can rise above the Right. Lefties can advocate self-determination, hence local control, consistently. It accords with our natural condition and the political hilosophy of the Left. The Right uses local control for its own ends, because at bottom conservatives must be authoritarians to justify their existence and their philosophy. Authoritarians must always deny local control, except when it suits their needs, because the very nature of authority is to flow from the top to the bottom. Megalomania oftens accompanies authoritarianism. The authoritarian State usually tries to become larger and larger; because the only way might can be right is to crush all resistance. I have the strong suspicion that Empire is always a creature of conservatism, so the Left should always oppose it.
So, oddly enough, given the confused preferences of this
era, the "natural" position of Liberals (the Left) is to favor the little
guy. That puts the Left in chronic opposition to Authority, Empire, and
every other universal form. This makes it difficult for the Left to
govern, when it rules. However, my view does explain why Left wing
governments are always plagued with a plethora of voices and demands, and
criticism coming from every direction. In being "of the people,"
governance by the Left has to acknowlege all the differences among the
people. This slows things down, and provokes many jealousies, but it is
what is required to maintain a democracy.
The important result is this: Democracy is the
antithesis of conservatism. Democracy resolves the conflict between
universal government and individualism. What government of the Left must
do is allow the expression of as many voices as possible. The goal is to
promote the self-determination and self-fulfillment of as many people as
possible. That is accomplished by involving as many people as possible.
The difficulty of that ideal is not a reason for ignoring it.
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p.s. - The "as possible" phrase leads to another argument; e.g., about
Libertarianism and Utilitarianism. I have discussed that elsewhere, and
will discuss it again on another day.
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WalterB -
11:27:20 - Thursday, 07/21/2005